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What’s behind Russia’s acceleration of “sovereign internet” project?

global.espreso.tv
Tue, 22 Jul 2025 17:39:00 +0300
What’s behind Russia’s acceleration of “sovereign internet” project?
But the shutdowns have now become systemic. According to The Resurgam Telegram channel, which gives experts' thoughts on international politics, they're affecting not just mobile internet access but also disrupting government and banking networks. While Russian authorities have avoided commenting publicly, telecom experts believe the sharp increase in outages is tied to active testing of the so-called "sovereign Russian internet," or ironically called “Cheburnet.”Russia first introduced the Cheburnet concept back in 2015, planning a full rollout by 2020. But due to technological limitations and fears of economic fallout, the project stalled — though it was never officially scrapped.Even through 2022 and 2023, despite rhetoric about creating a “sovereign internet,” little progress was made beyond televised discussions. That’s changed dramatically since mid-2024. Moscow has shifted from treating Cheburnet as a populist idea to treating it as a real and necessary tool. Even though the risks that halted it five years ago — especially to the economy — still exist, they no longer appear to be a factor in decision-making. According to Resurgam, the current wave of internet blackouts coincides with deployment and testing of domestic DNS servers, part of Cheburnet’s infrastructure.So why the sudden urgency, despite the clear damage it’s causing to the financial sector and broader economy — already weakened and facing the possibility of a major collapse by year’s end?Resurgam highlights one reason: geopolitics. The Kremlin sees Cheburnet as a tool to extend its influence across Central Asia. By pitching the infrastructure to regional strongmen — many of whom lean authoritarian — Russia positions itself as a digital security partner. At recent CSTO and CIS gatherings, Russian officials have shifted conversations toward so-called “British-Ukrainian cybercrime,” proposing the idea of a shared internet space. On the surface, this would help those regimes retain power (as Belarusian leader Alexander Lukashenko once put it, “from that damned internet”), but for Russia, it’s a strategic play to tighten informational control across the region.Still, the deeper motivation lies elsewhere.Despite its risks to the economy, the Kremlin’s rush to complete Cheburnet — along with efforts to ban most Western social media — reflects a desire to manage and conceal the extent of Russia’s economic crisis. Resurgam believes the Kremlin knows that a “soft landing” is off the table. Putin is prepared to destroy the Russian economy to continue his war of annihilation against Ukraine. But he’s not prepared to lose power — or popularity.Russia’s information space is already tightly controlled, but leaks still happen. Foreign news and dissenting voices find their way in, which the Kremlin finds intolerable.Some may argue that a government with such control — and such a degraded civil society — already has all the tools it needs. But that assumption is flawed. Authoritarian control is not self-sustaining; it constantly demands reinforcement. Like a drug, it becomes addictive. The more control an autocracy exerts, the more control it needs to maintain.This isn’t new. From Caligula to the 21st century, the pattern holds. Today’s twist is the fusion of physical and informational violence — enabled by modern technology.Resurgam emphasizes that in any society, as long as basic institutional principles remain — even as informal norms — there’s still hope. Institutions can be reshaped, improved, and reformed through persistence and leadership, even if they’re currently filled with the wrong people. The destruction of those principles, however, closes that door entirely.It’s one thing to increase control in wartime — that can sometimes be justified. But undermining core institutional norms cannot. If wrongdoing exists, accountability should target individuals or leadership — not the institution itself. Institutional disputes should be resolved through due process, not in the media or public spectacle.And that, ultimately, is the difference between democratic resilience and authoritarian collapse.
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